Punjab Diary: Twists in panthic politics and the rise and rise of Channi

The crisis in the Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal) continues to escalate as eight rebel Akali leaders led by Prem Singh Chandumajra, Bibi Jagir Kaur and Sikandar Singh Maluka were expelled from the party on the recommendations of the party’s disciplinary committee, headed by senior leader Balwinder Singh Bhunder.

After veteran Akali leader and party patron Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa called into question the legality of the decision, he too was shown the door next day. The rebels—who had formed a parallel organisation and launched the ‘Shiromani Akali Dal Sudhar Lehar’, a campaign to uplift and rejuvenate the party—had called for the resignation of party president Sukhbir Singh Badal.

Dhindsa and Chandumajra were considered the tallest Akali leaders outside the Badal family in the party. Dhindsa, a former union minister in the Vajpayee government, was a close confidant of former CM Parkash Singh Badal and was considered the undisputed Akali leader of the Sangrur area, which has now become a bastion of the Aam Aadmi Party.

Dhindsa and his son Parminder had rebelled against Sukhbir Badal and floated a party of their own: the SAD (Sanyukt) which contested the 2022 assembly elections in alliance with the BJP but has pretty much been a non-starter. Dhindsa Sr. only come back into the party fold before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, when he was made a patron.

However, he continued to nurse a grievance against Sukhbir for denying his family the Lok Sabha ticket from Sangrur. Chandumajra, a leftist turned Akali, was a protégé of Akali stalwart Gurcharan Singh Tohra and a former MP. He is considered influential in the Patiala–Anandpur belt.

Earlier, the rebel leaders had appeared before the Akal Takht and sought forgiveness for their ‘mistakes’ which led to the ‘people’s disillusionment’ with Akali rule. They had also submitted a letter to the Akal Takht jathedar levelling multiple allegations against Sukhbir, including his role in getting the Akal Takht to ‘pardon’ Dera Sacha Sauda chief Ram Rahim Singh, failing to provide justice for beadabi (desecration) and appointing controversial IPS Sumedh Singh Saini as state police chief.

Subsequently, Sukhbir appeared before the Akal Takht jathedar and took full responsibility for ‘all the mistakes’. In his atonement letter to the Akal Takht jathedar, he sought ‘unconditional forgiveness’ as head of the Akali Dal.

These words of contrition are being seen as a positive development and has apparently taken the wind out of rebel sails. However, it is too early to say whether this step will help in the revival of the party, just as one cannot anticipate what action the jathedar will take against Sukhbir.

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Lifeline for Bhagwant Mann

Victory in the bye-poll of Jalandhar West has come as much-needed relief for CM Bhagwant Mann, who felt the heat from AAP’s Delhi high command after the party’s underwhelming performance in the Lok Sabha elections. However, the victory was achieved at a cost, as the AAP was accused of deploying all the conventional methods used by ruling parties—turncoats, money, muscle and government machinery.

The aura around the AAP of being a ‘party with a difference’ has clearly dimmed and there is visible voter fatigue over the gap between its rhetoric and reality. AAP came to power in 2022 on a winning combination of the ‘Delhi Model’, Bhagwant Mann’s popularity, Arvind Kejriwal’s credibility, fresh MLA candidates, pumped-up volunteers and promises of <badlaav> (change) along with massive anti-incumbency against mainstream parties, triggered by the kisan agitation.

Halfway through its term, AAP has forfeited many of its advantages. Its Delhi-based leadership has lost credibility in Punjab; many of its MLAs are unpopular due to their non-performance and corruption; the state government appears rudderless; state coffers are empty and leaders have failed to check drugs, corruption and sand mafias. Significant sections of the population including Dalits and women have turned against it for non-fulfilment of poll promises.

However, if there is one shining light for AAP, it is the image of Bhagwant Mann. The CM, by persistently playing the ‘common man’ card, has nimbly used attack, assembly and advertising as well as event outreach and vigilance to keep his stock up and his opponents down.

He remains the best ambassador of ‘brand AAP’, consistently pushing its welfare, health and education model to the public, both in Punjab and outside. His oratory and communication skills remain undiminished. However, whether he alone can pull the AAP bandwagon across the finishing line in 2027 is another story.

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Extremist panthic politics

The unexpected revival of far-right Sikh groups was one of the prominent features of the Lok Sabha elections in Punjab. After lurking on the peripheries for a long time, the most prominent and active among the radical Sikhs (or neo-panthics) has been Sarabjit Khalsa, the newly elected MP from Faridkot who declared his intentions to float a new Panthic party in consultation with the jailed MP from Tarn Taran, Amritpal Singh.

Amritpal’s image as a crusader against drugs received a setback when his brother Harpreet was caught by Jalandhar Police for consuming and being in possession of crystal meth, the drug also known as ‘ice’.

Amritpal and his family also faced ire on social media for backtracking from Khalistan in their efforts to revoke the NSA and seek his release. Despite factionalism and the lack of both organisation and cohesive leadership, Punjab remains fertile ground for extremist politics for multiple reasons—drugs, inward migration, heightened political competition, disillusioned youth, polarised social media and the existence of rabblerousing political entrepreneurs.

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The quiet rise of Charanjit Singh Channi

One Punjab politician whose sun continues to rise is Charanjit Singh Channi, the former chief minister. After his big win from the Jalandhar Lok Sabha Constituency, Channi caused a stir by batting for detained MP Amritpal Singh, raising the issue of his detention under the NSA.

This was ammunition enough for the BJP to attack Channi and accuse the Congress of being soft on Khalistan. Understandably, the Congress distanced itself from Channi’s utterances.

Already the biggest Dalit leader in the state, Channi has a cult following among the poor, the youth and Jatt Sikh voters for his deadpan humour and chutzpah in taking on PM Modi when his convoy was stopped on the way to Ferozepur.

Building on his Dalit base, Channi continues to court the dominant rural Jatt Sikh community by taking up pro-farmer issues and advocating justice for the slain singer, Sidhu Moosewala, an icon of Punjabi pop culture. Already seen as being close to the Congress leadership in New Delhi, Channi is actively using his time in Delhi networking and positioning himself as a frontrunner for a leadership role in Punjab politics.