Nehru’s Word: There is a strong demand for economic change

Concluding part of Jawaharlal Nehru’s preliminary assessment of the first general elections sent to the CWC in Jan. 1952

Nehru signing the Indian Constitution, 1950 (photo: Wikimedia Commons)
Nehru signing the Indian Constitution, 1950 (photo: Wikimedia Commons)
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Jawaharlal Nehru

This is the second and concluding part of Jawaharlal Nehru’s preliminary assessment of the first general elections that he sent to the Congress Working Committee on 31 January 1952. Here, he analyses the relative success and failure of different political parties, such as the outright rejection of communal parties, the poor showing of the socialists and the considerable success of the Left fronts, especially in South India.

Democratic politics and electioneering encourage, to some extent, what is known as boss-politics. Leadership is necessary but the leadership should not encourage too much bossing. Real leadership that counts in an election or in a big organisation is the lower-level leadership. Where there is a big boss at the top, this lower-level leadership does not develop. Only those who pay court to the big boss can flourish. The result is a weakening of the organisation. So long as there is no effective opposition, it can carry on. But as soon as this opposition appears, it tends to crumble.

It is this lower-level leadership that has been singularly lacking in the Congress. This has not only resulted in the weakening of the Congress but has driven away effective and worthy people to other organisations. We have, therefore, to develop this leadership at the lower levels, which is in constant touch with the individual voter.

I think it is fortunate for the Congress, having regard to all the circumstances, to have succeeded in the elections to the extent that it has done. It might well have fared much worse. We have now the chance to learn from experience and make ourselves active and vital again. Naturally, vitality can only come with a worthwhile programme and hard work to attain it. It cannot merely come by thinking of elections alone.

A Congress election campaign poster from 1951-52
A Congress election campaign poster from 1951-52

Whatever its other activities, the Congress must function as a definite political party with a definite programme. It cannot continue to be, as Dr Ambedkar once called it, a dharamshala for all and sundry.

During the last five years, all kinds of inner changes were taking place under the surface of Indian politics. Most Congressmen were almost unaware of them… The elections have suddenly brought out these forces to the surface. As a result, new parties and groups have emerged, and some existing parties have more or less collapsed…

The various parties might be divided up into a number of groups: 1) those professing advanced economic programmes like the socialists, communists and other so-called Leftists; 2) the communal parties, whether Hindu, Sikh, Muslim or other (which includes caste groupings); 3) the social reactionary parties like the jagirdars, zamindars, etc.

There are other odd groups like the KMPP (Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party) which do not fit into any picture. They are just dissidents angry with the world and especially with the Congress. Where they have won, they have done so because of personal reasons. As a party they do not count and will fade away.

The socialists have also proved completely ineffectual. They have also received a hard knock in the elections. Probably part of their membership will drift to other parties.

The purely communal parties like the Hindu Mahasabha, the Jana Sangh, the Ram Rajya Parishad, the Akali Dal and the like have also suffered considerably. Where they have succeeded, they have done so by an alliance with the jagirdars, etc., or for some personal reasons. These parties are not that Parliament is likely to have a fairly strong and well-knit communist or pro-communist group.


The growth of these Leftist fronts indicates certain powerful trends in the country. It does indicate that there is a strong demand for economic change and progress and no party that ignores this can have much of a future.

The conclusion to be drawn from this analysis is that the Congress has still a very important historical role to fulfil, which no other group or party can take up. Every other group, even if given a long rope, is likely to lead to the growth of disruption and disintegration in India. The Congress can check this provided it has the energy, vitality and good sense. I have little doubt that the Congress can meet the challenge that has been thrown to it, but it will have to work hard and get out of the rut it has got into. This means an effective policy, a programme of work, and a well-knit organisation with its roots in the people…

The first part of this policy to which effect has to be given with speed is that relating to land and the abolition of jagirdari, zamindari etc. There is no real opposition to this anywhere except for the law’s delay.

Opposition will no doubt come in Rajasthan from jagirdar elements. But that will not weaken the Congress. On the contrary, it will strengthen it if it works properly… The Five Year Plan is being tightened up and I hope improved. We have to take this up in right earnest. We must remember that the Leftist groups will be continually bringing forward proposals of far-reaching economic change. We cannot meet them just negatively. We must have a positive answer.

For the Congress, the most important thing is our organisational set up. Our district might well be the parliamentary constituency. Our lower committee should be the assembly constituency. Lower than that there should be a small group of villages not exceeding, as a rule, 30 in number. That should be our primary committee.

Selected and edited by Mridula Mukherjee, former professor of History at JNU and former director of Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

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