Book Extract: ‘I had a job to do’

Following the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the Special Protection Group (SPG) was formed on the initiative of Rajiv and Arun Singh, the minister of communications at that time, to protect the PM and his family. The SPG and I worked very closely together.

An imported bulletproof car for Rajiv’s security would cost too much. So, we turned the Ambassador cars into bulletproof ones. I had to take care of all aspects of Rajiv’s security. Often, I would go to his home to check on his food for security reasons and to check whether all was well.

As I went to his residence very often, I grew very close to him. The SPG would ask me to convey things to Rajiv which they were hesitant to say directly to him.

Rajiv never took his personal security lightly. But there were times when he overruled us. He overturned my strong opposition to his visit to Colombo to sign the Indo–Sri Lanka Accord. Despite Chidambaram backing me, Rajiv would still not listen. And despite our best efforts, Rajiv was attacked by a Sri Lankan sailor who swung his rifle butt at him. He narrowly escaped serious injuries.

I had a job to do and the job was to keep India’s PM alive. I became strongly aware that if my methods brought me unpopularity, so be it. Some of my methods even embarrassed Rajiv. There were occasions when I snatched a biscuit almost out of his mouth. I went on to remind a startled Rajiv that the PM should eat nothing that was not tested beforehand.

Rajiv had a great wish to be with the people, and the people wanted to see their PM. At such occasions, it was often necessary for me to physically interpose myself between the crowds and the PM.

Once in Kolkata, when Rajiv had gone on an election tour, I had to run with the PM’s car for several miles to be present when he got off, in the anticipation of an excited crowd mobbing him. On these occasions, I had to be close on the heels of those providing physical security.

On Independence Day, in 1987, a freedom run was organised. Rajiv was to run from Vijay Chowk to India Gate in the capital, and was to be accompanied by many people, including some of his cabinet ministers. He had arrived in his tracksuit while I was dressed in black trousers and a closed collar coat.

While waiting for the freedom run to be flagged off, he found an opportunity to tease me, ‘Why do you stand suited and booted? Why not run with us, Seshan? It would help you cut down your avoidable fat.’

I replied, ‘Sir, some of us have to stand upright, so that you can sit, stand or run.’ The path marked for the run was a security nightmare. We had no problems securing a small stretch of the route. However, further ahead, crowds were to join in, and there was no way we could ensure security.

As soon as the PM had run a few yards, the security cordon closed in around him, forming a tight ring and soon bundled him into a car and sped him away to his home.

The PM was furious when he reached his residence. He showered all permissible epithets on me, since I had wrecked the run. But it was my job to supervise the PM’s security. I was happy that I had done my job and did not take his words to heart.

The PM’s security is an extraordinarily sensitive issue. Let us trace it historically. Indira Gandhi was assassinated in October 1984. Elections took place soon after, and Rajiv Gandhi came to power in January 1985. As said before, the SPG was set up to take care of the PM’s security.

There was no legal basis for the SPG. Every police force requires a legal basis. For example, if the police sub-inspector draws a gun on you in the police station or in a crowd or when there is some violence, he is backed by the authority of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

As the station house officer, he has certain powers. Similarly, each of the special police forces, whether Central Bureau of Investigation, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) or Border Security Force, has a law governing its functioning.

The SPG had no law governing it. If in the course of protecting the PM, the SPG personnel were compelled to draw their guns and shoot, they had nothing to protect themselves with, except for claiming the right of self-defence—not the defence of the PM but their own defence.

There were discussions that we needed a law to govern the SPG. I was given the job, and I drafted the legislation for the SPG Act. Even today, it is in the statute book for anyone to read. One particular section of the Act said that the SPG shall provide proximate protection to the PM and his immediate family.

I went up to Rajiv and suggested that we needed to include past PMs and their families too in the Act. Another question was whether it should only be about protecting the PM or the President, too? It was decided that the SPG Act would only cover the PM and nobody else.

In 1988–89, I told Rajiv, ‘Today you are the PM, tomorrow you might not be. But the danger to you, because of whatever you did or did not do as the PM, will remain.’ I quoted the example of USA, from which we borrow many things. There, the Federal Bureau of Investigation looks after the president’s family even long after he is dead and gone.

Citing this practice, I argued that Rajiv and his immediate family would need protection even after he gave up the job due to election loss or any other reason. The laws should protect the PM and his immediate family, along with the former PMs and their immediate families.

But Rajiv did not agree. He thought that people would believe he was doing it out of pure self-interest. He said no for the former PMs; it was enough to include the present one. I tried to convince him but in vain.