Haryana: Caste alliances crumble, BJP struggles as leaders abandon ship

It’s not a wave of resignations — it’s a spate. On 8 September, G.L. Sharma, vice-president of Haryana’s BJP state unit, stepped down. Over 250 officials followed suit, all of them joining the Congress. This marked the fifth consecutive day of mass resignations from the BJP, among them state cabinet ministers, sitting MLAs and influential leaders at both state and district levels.

On 4 September, the BJP had released its first list of 67 candidates for the upcoming Assembly elections, sparking a series of internal revolts that continue unabated. But the exodus and unrest began well before the release of the first list, fuelled by dissatisfaction with party leadership (and its decisions) as well as the buzz that the BJP is facing defeat in the election.

Throughout the state’s history, the BJP has never been a dominant force. In Haryana’s first Assembly election in 1967, its predecessor, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, won 12 out of 81 seats. As the farming community’s influence grew, the BJP’s steadily diminished. Apart from a few instances where it formed alliances in the name of opposition unity, the BJP’s seat count has generally remained in single digits.

This dynamic shifted in 2014, during what many refer to as the ‘Modi wave’. In Haryana, this was reflected in the formation of what is often called an anti-Jat alliance at the state level.

A few months ago, during the Lok Sabha elections, a YouTuber from Haryana provided an insightful explanation of this strategy. He pointed out that while the BJP typically polarises society against Muslims across the country, the Muslim population in Haryana is minimal, except in Nuh district. So, who could they ‘other’? The BJP picked on the Jat population.

The strategy was to unite Banias, Punjabis, and backward castes to secure a majority. However, in a closely-knit society like Haryana, this kind of alliance could only go so far. Traditionally, the Dalit and backward population in Haryana has largely aligned with the Congress, which has successfully built a broad-based coalition.

The BJP tried to break into this voter base through defections and other means, achieving some success in 2014. For instance, the party brought Rao Indrajit Singh into its fold in south Haryana, aiming to win over Ahir voters.

Despite the BJP securing just one seat over the majority in the 2014 Assembly election, it became evident that this kind of ‘social engineering’ had its limitations. Several other factors were also at play. On one hand, the Congress faced a degree of anti-incumbency after 10 years in power. On the other hand, Haryana’s most prominent opposition leader, Om Prakash Chautala, was in jail due to a recruitment scam. The BJP capitalised on these circumstances.

However, by the 2019 Assembly elections, Om Prakash Chautala’s grandson Dushyant Chautala was working to reclaim his family’s political ground. He formed the Jannayak Janata Party (JJP) which led to a split in the anti-BJP vote. No single party emerged with a majority and the BJP resorted to ‘Operation Kamal’ to form the government, eventually securing power by offering Dushyant Chautala the position of deputy chief minister.

The next five years were difficult for Haryana. This period saw the Covid-19 pandemic and the farmers’ protest. The BJP government’s antagonism to the movement and the barricading of Delhi’s borders against the peaceful marchers turned almost all farming communities against the party, not just the Jats. The situation was so tense, chief minister Manohar Lal Khattar and other BJP leaders was unable to hold public meetings or participate in events, as angry farmers prevented them from entering villages.

As the 2024 Lok Sabha elections approached, the BJP recognised the rumble for what it was. Manohar Lal Khattar was replaced by Nayab Singh Saini, who was sworn in as chief minister. The idea was to counter anti-incumbency against Khattar while playing the OBC card by appointing an OBC chief minister (though Sainis comprise a mere 3 per cent of the state’s population). The Lok Sabha election results revealed that this strategy did not succeed.

Disillusionment with the party is evident across the state, particularly in the cities along the G.T. Road belt, including Panipat, Sonipat, Karnal and Ambala. Once strongholds of BJP support, these urban centres are shifting loyalties. Reports indicate that the BJP can neither count on the city dwellers nor the traditionally supportive Punjabi and Vaish communities who once formed a crucial part of its voter base.

The caste-based equations that the party counted on for political dominance have eroded over time. What was once a carefully constructed coalition of various social groups, including Banias, Punjabis and backward castes, has fragmented. This collapse of caste dynamics has undermined the BJP’s influence, exposing the party to a much more volatile political landscape. With its foundational alliances crumbling, the BJP finds itself in a precarious position, struggling to regain the trust of communities that once played a pivotal role in its success in the state.

A resignation and a retirement

Vinesh Phogat is fighting the assembly elections on 5 October from the Julana seat on a Congress ticket. This is a tough seat, which the Congress has won only thrice since the formation of Haryana, and 88 candidates were vying for it. The fact that not one of them objected to Vinesh’s nomination speaks volumes both about her popularity and their discipline in putting the party’s prospects first. Since the announcement, Vinesh has not only visited Julana but also inaugurated her campaign office there.

Indian Railways — which employed her on the sports quota — was initialy loath to accept her resignation. As in other government departments, employees are required to serve a three-month notice period. Although departments have the discretion to waive the notice period, the Railways had been dragging its feet. If Vinesh’s resignation was not accepted by the last date of nomination — 12 September — her candidature would have been rejected, as government employees cannot contest elections.

When the Union government realised that the champion wrestler would be a greater threat if she campaigned statewide rather than within her own constituency, the Railways accepted her resignation with immediate effect.

There may have been another reason for the sudden resolution — the BJP fielding ex-jailor Sunil Sangwan from Dadri constituency. Shortly before receiving the BJP ticket, Sangwan opted for voluntary retirement (VRS) from his position as Bhondsi Jail superintendent. The VRS process is typically lengthier and more complex than a standard resignation. As we all know, in the realm of politics, quick processes can be prolonged and lengthy ones expedited.

With Sangwan’s premature retirement fast-tracked, stalling Vinesh’s resignation — in effect, stymying her candidature — would have snowballed into an electoral issue. This might have influenced the decision to release her from her obligations to the Railways.

Readers may recall, it was on Sangwan’s watch as Sunaria Jail superintendent that Ram Rahim Singh was granted parole six times. The Dera Sacha Sauda head, who is serving a life sentence for rape, is out on furlough, and is expected to lend Sangwan, the friendly jailor, a hand in these elections.