NEWS

NYT editorial comment is on Modi, not UP results

Far from doubting the electoral verdict in Uttar Pradesh, the editorial, in fact, comments on the implications of Yogi Adityanath being chosen as chief minister


















File photo of UP CM Yogi Adityanath and Prime
Minister Narendra Modi with BJP President Amit Shah (centre) during the
swearing-in ceremony on March 19 in Lucknow
File photo of UP CM Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi with BJP President Amit Shah (centre) during the swearing-in ceremony on March 19 in Lucknow  Photo by Ashok Dutta/Hindustan Times via Getty Images

While the Ministry of External Affairs has reacted sharply to an editorial in The New York Times, there is nothing in the editorial to suggest that it had cast doubts on the verdict of a genuine democratic exercise as MEA spokesman Gopal Baglay had alleged. For readers’ reference, the text of the editorial in The New York Times, after Yogi Adityanath was anointed the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, is being reproduced:


Mr Modi’s perilous embrace of Hindu extremists

“Since he was elected in 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India has played a cagey game, appeasing his party’s hard-line Hindu base while promoting secular goals of development and economic growth. Despite worrying signs that he was willing to humor Hindu extremists, Mr Modi refrained from overtly approving violence against the nation’s Muslim minority.


On Sunday, Mr Modi revealed his hand. Emboldened by a landslide victory in recent elections in India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, his party named a firebrand Hindu cleric, Yogi Adityanath, as the state’s leader. The move is a shocking rebuke to religious minorities, and a sign that cold political calculations ahead of national elections in 2019 have led Mr Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party to believe that nothing stands in the way of realizing its long-held dream of transforming a secular republic into a Hindu state.


Mr Adityanath has made a political career of demonising Muslims, thundering against such imaginary plots as “love jihad”: the notion that Muslim men connive to water down the overwhelming Hindu majority by seducing Hindu women. He defended a Hindu mob that murdered a Muslim man in 2015 on the suspicion that his family was eating beef, and said Muslims who balked at performing a yoga salutation to the sun should “drown themselves in the sea.”


Uttar Pradesh, home to more than 200 million people, badly needs development, not ideological showmanship. The state has the highest infant mortality rate in the country. Nearly half of its children are stunted. Educational outcomes are dismal. Youth unemployment is high.


Mr Adityanath has sounded the right notes, saying, “My government will be for everyone, not specifically for any caste or community,” and promising to make Uttar Pradesh “the dreamland” of Mr Modi’s development model.


But the appointment shows that Mr Modi sees no contradiction between economic development and a muscular Hindu nationalism that feeds on stoking anti-Muslim passions. Mr Modi’s economic policies have delivered growth, but not jobs. India needs to generate a million new jobs every month to meet employment demand. Should Mr Adityanath fail to deliver, there is every fear that he — and Mr. Modi’s party — will resort to deadly Muslim-baiting to stay in power, turning Mr Modi’s dreamland into a nightmare for India’s minorities, and threatening the progress that Mr Modi has promised to all of its citizens.”

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