Almost exactly 81 years ago, at the session of the Indian National Congress held in Ramgarh, a village in the Chhota Nagpur region of what is now Jharkhand, in the midst of the Second World War, Jawaharlal Nehru articulated the nature of Swaraj and of the struggle that was being fought for it in evocative words which have lost none of their relevance till date, especially when efforts to change its inclusive, pluralist and egalitarian character have gathered pace.
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“I am convinced that Britain is not fighting to destroy Nazism or to save democracy, but only to further strengthen her own imperialist interests. Therefore, India cannot be a party to such a war. In the circumstances, a conflict in India is inevitable.
Some struggle, therefore, may become necessary. Whatever the nature of that struggle may be, it will be on a mass scale, and it will surpass all past movements in respect of its extent and magnitude. When that struggle will come, I cannot say. That is for others to decide. But I can say that it will mean much more than mere waving of the flags and singing of the national songs. It will mean a much greater national effort, and we will all have to make greater sacrifices and face suffering than we have done in the past.
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I am surprised that people ask us to immediately start civil disobedience, but I ask them, why are they indulging in tall talk instead of starting direct action if they have the courage to do so!...
What is wanted today is a country-wide effort to create a national wave of strength and determination to win freedom. This is more urgently necessary today than the launching of a fight. We should launch the fight only after the country is fully prepared. Otherwise, we will have to repent for our rash action and lack of foresight. Civil disobedience may, however, become necessary, because of the action of the British Government. We cannot take things lying down if our hands are forced.
“One of the main points of the {Congress} resolution is that it declares anew that independence is the goal of India. Not that it requires further re- iteration, as it has all along been our goal, but because doubts are being expressed in certain quarters about the exact nature of this demand. Another point in the proposal embodied for the constituent assembly, that is a panchayat of the people of India, is a competent body to frame India's constitution.
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The third point refers to the minorities. It lays down clearly that the rights of all the minorities will be completely protected and the minorities therefore need have no apprehension that their rights will be jeopardized by the majority. If no agreement can be reached on the question affecting the minorities it is open to them to get the matter settled by arbitration.
The minorities problem can never be solved by the good offices of the British Government and so long as the people look to this quarter for the solution of the problem, it will remain unsolved. It is for us to settle this problem among ourselves. A constituent assembly comprising representatives of the people should be the final arbiter of India's problems.
The war is a war between two imperialisms. We do not want the victory of Nazism with its unjust and repressive rule. Neither do we want a further strengthening of British imperialism.
It has become clear now that a struggle is inevitable, but how and when will have to be decided for us by our leaders and Mahatma Gandhi. We should be ready for everything. There should be unity and discipline so that we may create a favourable atmosphere for the struggle.”
(Mridula Mukherjee is a former professor of history at JNU and former Director of Nehru Memorial Museum and Library)
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